Clipping Board » Medical Myths ─ The truth about healthcare is often different from what you intuitively think.
1. Citation
Since the 1870s, due to the need for "foreign affairs," the Qing government began to send students abroad in batches for study; by the early 20th century, more were dispatched due to the implementation of "new policies." At the same time, a large number of intellectuals, in search of the truth to save the country and its people, vied to study abroad, thus forming a wave of overseas study enthusiasm in the late Qing and early Republic of China.
A large number of students who returned after completing their studies, in order to save the nation from peril, mostly advocated learning from the West to make China prosperous and strong. In cultural and academic fields, they used the knowledge they acquired abroad to oppose feudalism and fiercely criticized China's inherent culture, vigorously promoting science and democracy. As part of traditional culture, Chinese medicine was inevitably subjected to unprecedented criticism, and its dominant position in Chinese medicine was also impacted, gradually being replaced by Western medicine. What attitudes did these returning students take towards traditional Chinese medicine, and what methods did they use to evaluate it? What actions did they take? This article attempts to explore the impact of their attitudes and actions on the development of Chinese medicine by examining the attitudes and statements of some figures with overseas study backgrounds at the time, hoping to provide some inspiration and lessons for today.
2. Criticism of Chinese Medicine
In dealing with the issue of Chinese medicine, influenced by Western scientific culture, most of those who studied in Europe, America, and Japan during the late Qing and early Republic of China adopted a Western-based evaluation method to criticize Chinese medical theory. For example, Yan Fu, a famous modern Chinese enlightenment thinker, was sent by the Qing government to study in the UK in his early years and received a lot of education in Western natural sciences. He highly praised Western science, believing that "once the general principles are established, they can be tested anytime and anywhere. For example, water freezes at four degrees on the heat scale, and air exerts a pressure of ten pounds per square inch on a plane, which everyone can personally test. Although some things are slightly more difficult, such as the kidneys not storing essence but filtering blood to produce urine, the lungs not governing the skin, and the liver not storing the soul, they can still be verified. Therefore, this kind of science has no assertions, only truths, and everyone can use their own eyes to verify its truthfulness." [1] As for China's original scholarship, he believed that "the nine schools of thought in China, such as geomancy, medicine, and astrology, if followed in order, all seem coherent. However, if one delves into their initial foundations, such as the matching of the five elements and the heavenly stems and earthly branches, or the auspicious and inauspicious stars, even with great thought, one cannot explain why they are so. This is because their principles are based on conjecture rather than empirical measurement." [2]
Chen Duxiu, who studied in Japan, as a leader of the May Fourth New Culture Movement, vigorously called for democracy and science and denounced autocracy and ignorance. While lashing out at Chinese feudal culture, he included Chinese medicine in the feudal dross for criticism. He judged Chinese medicine entirely based on Western medicine at the time, stating in his article "A Warning to the Youth": "(Chinese) medicine does not understand science, neither understanding the structure of the human body nor analyzing the properties of drugs, and knows nothing about bacterial and viral infections; it only knows to attach to the theory of the five elements, the mutual generation and restraint, cold and heat, yin and yang, and follows ancient prescriptions to administer medicine, its technique is almost the same as that of an archer; the most magical of its imaginations is the theory of 'qi'; this theory is even connected to the techniques of martial artists and Taoist priests; try to search the universe, and you really do not know what this 'qi' is!" [3]
Lu Xun systematically studied Western medical knowledge at Sendai Medical College in Japan. After studying Western medical courses such as "New Treatise on the Whole Body" and "Chemical Hygiene," he unconsciously recalled the statements and prescriptions of some Chinese medicine doctors who treated his father, "the medicinal ingredients used were also peculiar: winter reed roots, sugarcane that has been frosted for three years, crickets must be in pairs, and the fruiting plant of the flatland tree,... most of which are not easy to obtain," and compared with what he was learning and knew at the time, "he gradually realized that Chinese medicine is nothing but a deliberate or unintentional fraud."[4]
This method of comparing Chinese science and technology with Western science, and Chinese medicine with Western medicine, was almost a formula among returning overseas students at the time. Some even regarded it as the golden standard for judging the "legitimacy and validity" of an academic discipline. For instance, Mao Zishui, who studied at the University of Berlin in Germany, believed that "medicine based on anatomy, histology, physiology, pathology, bacteriology, and analytical chemistry is the proper path of medicine. Although European medical techniques today cannot be said to have reached their ultimate conclusion, if there is indeed a final destination for medical science, it must be reached by following this proper path. If one insists on superstitiously adhering to the principles of the five organs corresponding to the five elements and relying on the distinctions of the cun, guan, and chi pulses, it is likely that even ten thousand years would not suffice to reach the ultimate conclusion of medical science." [5] Whether Chinese medicine is scientific or even necessary for existence has been a recurring topic of debate in modern Chinese intellectual history. If one must use the criteria of bacteriology and other Western disciplines as the basis for judgment, as Mao did, the "cun, guan, and chi pulses" would indeed struggle to be recognized as "scientific" even in ten thousand years.
After the classification of modern Western disciplines and their "forms and methods" became the standard for evaluating whether something is "scientific," all existing Chinese academic disciplines faced the challenge of obtaining scientific "qualification." Chinese medicine was no exception. As Hu Shi once remarked, "Over the past thirty years, one term has achieved an almost supreme and revered status in our country; whether people understand it or not, whether they are conservative or progressive, no one dares to openly express disdain or ridicule toward it. That term is 'science.'" Science in modern China reached a point of "almost universal reverence" ([3], p. 430). Anything that did not conform to "science" was subject to criticism and rejection.
Chinese and Western medicine are two entirely distinct healthcare systems, making it difficult to apply the same standards to both. It is akin to judging a basketball game using soccer rules. If one insists on evaluating Chinese medicine solely by the standards of Western medicine, then Chinese medicine will inevitably appear "unscientific" in every aspect. At the time, most students studying abroad were influenced by Western metaphysical materialism, with few exposed to or mastering dialectical materialism. Consequently, they failed to recognize the incommensurability in comparing Chinese and Western medicine. As a result, a significant portion of them adopted a critical and oppositional stance toward Chinese medicine due to its perceived "unscientific" nature. Guo Moruo, who graduated from Kyushu Imperial University in Japan, openly opposed Chinese medical theory, stating, "I harbor extreme hatred and opposition toward all the yin-yang and five elements theories of traditional medicine, which resemble the ramblings of shamans and sorcerers." [6] Lu Xun remarked, "Although some say Chinese medicine is infinitely profound, especially in internal medicine, I simply do not believe it." [7] Zhou Zuoren, who also studied in Japan, went so far as to claim that "the thousands of Chinese doctors in China are not doctors in the modern sense at all; they are entirely metaphysical practitioners. Whether it is the Zhuyouke of Chenzhou, the spiritualists of the Lingzi technique, or the National Spirit Cultivation Institute, these are the practices of shamans from primitive societies, relics of an earlier era. Even the most orthodox theories of Chinese medicine are metaphysical. If they are truly unique, even if absurd and bizarre, they might still be worthy of being labeled as 'national techniques' and branded with the character 'national'!" [8]
From opposing and distrusting Chinese medicine, a significant number of returning overseas scholars even refused to consult Chinese doctors when they fell ill. For example, Ding Wenjiang, a modern geologist who studied in Japan and later in the United Kingdom, was deeply influenced by the Anglo-American empiricist tradition and Mach's empirio-criticism. He revered the spirit and methods of science and "believed in modern medicine." He was described as "the most Westernized Chinese" and "the most scientifically oriented Chinese." Even when seriously ill, he refused to seek treatment from Chinese doctors. Once, while traveling in Guizhou, both he and his attendants fell ill."There were no Western doctors locally, and Ding Wenjiang absolutely did not believe in traditional Chinese medicine, so he refused to consult a Chinese doctor under any circumstances. He sent a telegram to Guiyang to request a Western doctor, insisting that he would only take medicine after the doctor arrived. Before the doctor could arrive, one of his companions had already died of illness. People advised Ding to try Chinese medicine first, but he steadfastly refused to break his principle... He never consulted a Chinese doctor in his lifetime, just as he never accepted a government salary or used free train tickets for personal travel, demonstrating the same resolute attitude." [9] As for those who adamantly refused to consult Chinese doctors, Ding Wenjiang was not alone among the Western-educated returnees deeply influenced by Western science. Guo Moruo once said, "Traditional Chinese medicine and I have no connection. I dare say I will never trouble a Chinese doctor until the day I die." ([6], p. 480) Fu Sinian also remarked, "I would rather die than consult a Chinese doctor, because I feel that doing so would betray the education I have received." [10] (Fu had studied in the UK on a government scholarship and later transferred to the University of Berlin in Germany.) Sun Yat-sen, who received a systematic Western-style education in Honolulu, Guangzhou, and Hong Kong, graduated from the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese in 1892. Sun revered Western medicine throughout his life and remained skeptical of traditional Chinese medicine. Even when diagnosed with liver cancer in his later years and told by Peking Union Medical College Hospital that nothing more could be done, he still refused to take Chinese medicine. Lu Xun greatly admired this, writing in his article "One Year After the Death of Dr. Sun Yat-sen": "At that time, a minor news item moved me as much as his lifelong revolutionary career. It was reported that when Western medicine had reached its limits, someone suggested trying Chinese medicine. But Dr. Sun disagreed, believing that while Chinese medicine might have some effective remedies, its diagnostic knowledge was lacking. Without proper diagnosis, how could one prescribe medicine? It was unnecessary. When facing death, most people are willing to try anything, yet he maintained such clear rationality and firm will regarding his own life." ([7], pp. 953-954) Even Yan Fu, who was born into a family of traditional Chinese medicine practitioners, viewed Chinese medicine with trepidation. He once wrote to his niece, "Listening to Chinese doctors leads to mistakes nine times out of ten. Remember this well." [11]
Liu Wendian, who also studied in Japan, went so far as to mock the efficacy of traditional Chinese medicine. He said, "You are gravely mistaken in attacking China's mediocre doctors. In today's China, traditional Chinese medicine is absolutely indispensable. Look at how many remnants of the old society and other non-essential people are still alive in China. As long as they live, they are a daily threat to the country. However, murder is inhumane, and it is impossible to kill them all. Fortunately, they all believe in traditional Chinese medicine, so their only hope for survival lies in the hands of these doctors. How can you attack them?" [12]
Of course, among the early Chinese students who returned from abroad, there were also those who could correctly evaluate traditional Chinese culture, properly treat the legacy of Chinese medicine, and contribute to its development, such as Ding Fubao, Zhao Juhuang, and Yan Derun. However, the majority of returnees vehemently criticized traditional culture and adopted a nihilistic attitude toward Chinese medicine, fiercely condemning it. At the time, they viewed issues with an absolute and formalistic perspective, believing that everything about Chinese culture was bad, while everything about Western culture was good. In their approach to Chinese medicine, they completely judged it based on the standards of Western medical knowledge at the time, using the modern medical, natural science, and philosophical knowledge they had acquired to evaluate Chinese medical theories. If the theories aligned with their knowledge, they accepted them; if not, they dismissed them as false. This approach was simplistic, arbitrary, and lacked rigorous argumentation. In the medical field, this was most evident in the debates between Chinese and Western medicine at the time. For example, Yu Yan, a Western-trained doctor who had studied in Japan, criticized the Five Elements theory, saying, "The Five Elements refer to the five basic substances... Today, with the advancement of chemistry, we know there are eighty basic elements. Thus, it has become the Eighty Elements, and we can no longer adhere to the old concept of the Five Elements."Yu Shi interpreted the Five Elements as five "original substances (i.e., elements)" and compared them to the "four elements (water, earth, fire, air)" in the history of Western medicine, reflecting a philosophical view of mechanical materialism. For example, in the "Inner Canon," there are records such as "the liver's qi connects to the eyes, and when the liver is harmonious, the eyes can distinguish the five colors" and "the liver receives blood and thus can see." Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) believes that there is a close relationship between the liver and the eyes. Clinically, pathological states of the liver can manifest as eye symptoms, and certain eye diseases are often treated by addressing the liver, achieving quite satisfactory results. However, Yu Yan argued: "The relationship between the liver and the eyes cannot be found in anatomy, nor is there any relevant physiological function. In pathology and medical chemistry, no interdependent points can be found... The claim that the liver governs the eyes is baseless fabrication and cannot be trusted." ([13], p. 8) It should be said that Yu had a considerable understanding of both Chinese and Western medicine. He noticed the intuitive, vague concepts and lack of microscopic research in TCM theory, but he underestimated the incommensurability between Chinese and Western medicine and lacked a detailed analysis of the different levels of TCM theory. Thus, the conclusions he drew using such simple and arbitrary methods were inevitably biased.
However, TCM, which has been practiced for thousands of years and contributed to the health and reproduction of the Chinese nation, does indeed have remarkable therapeutic effects. Even many of those who criticized TCM at the time had to admit this, though they attributed the efficacy entirely to Chinese herbal medicine while maintaining an opposing stance toward TCM theory. This became the main rationale for the later "abolish medicine, preserve herbs" faction. For instance, Guo Moruo once said, "I oppose TCM theory, but I do not oppose the study of Chinese herbal medicine" ([6], p. 490), and "I have never opposed the study of Chinese herbal medicine; in fact, I believe it has a very bright future" ([6], p. 492). Even Yu Yan, one of the most vehement critics of TCM, believed that "to preserve national essence, there is still a glimmer of hope in herbal prescriptions" [14].
During the debate between Chinese and Western medicine in the medical community, many scholars and intellectuals with overseas educational backgrounds, even those not directly involved in the debate, supported Western medicine both in their hearts and in public opinion. As Zhou Zuoren stated: "I am completely an outsider to medicine, having no ties to Western medicine nor any grudge against TCM. I do not wish to side with one against the other. However, from my perspective, I highly value Western medicine and sincerely hope for its development and victory." ([8], p. 91) After Fu Sinian published two fiercely critical articles on TCM, Hu Shi, then editor of *The Independent Review*, not only published Fu's "Revisiting the So-Called National Medicine" but also reprinted his earlier article "The So-Called National Medicine" from *Ta Kung Pao*, adding an editor's note: "Two weeks ago, Mr. Fu Sinian published an article titled 'The So-Called National Medicine' in *Ta Kung Pao*, which provoked widespread criticism from 'national medicine' practitioners and their defenders across the country. The weekly essays in *Ta Kung Pao* are published once every ten weeks, but Mr. Fu could not wait and thus published his 'Revisiting the So-Called National Medicine' in *The Independent Review*. To help readers understand the origin of this debate, we are reprinting the original article here. Regarding this issue of new versus old medicine, I also have some opinions, and after Mr. Fu has finished speaking, I plan to write an article. We welcome discussion on this topic, but we must clarify: articles like Mr. Chen Zedong's from the Tianjin TCM Association, which discuss the 'philosophical pinnacle' of the Five Elements, Six Qi, Yin-Yang, and odd-even numbers, will not be published." [15]
Lu Xun, in many of his works, fiercely criticized TCM. On one hand, this was related to his exposure to Western science and medicine during his studies in Japan; on the other hand, it was also connected to the death of his father.In Lu Xun's view, his father was likely killed by a quack doctor. In his essay "Father's Illness," he expressed a critical attitude towards traditional Chinese medicine: to treat his father's illness, the Zhou family sold off all their farmland, then their jewelry and clothes, and finally invited a so-called "famous doctor" (Chen Lianhe, also known as He Lianchen). However, the prescriptions of this "famous doctor" were truly bizarre. "The most common one was 'a pair of crickets,' with a small note beside it: 'They must be the original pair, meaning they must come from the same nest.' It seemed as if even insects needed to be chaste; remarriage or remarrying would disqualify them from being used as medicine." [16] His father's belly swelled like a drum, but the "famous doctor" had his own method: a special pill called "Defeated Drum Skin Pill." "This 'Defeated Drum Skin Pill' was made from the skin of a broken drum; since edema is also called drum swelling, using the skin of a broken drum would naturally subdue it" ([16], p. 107). Using drum skin as medicine, fighting poison with poison. His father eventually died under the torment of this "famous doctor."
In the modern debate between Chinese and Western medicine, especially regarding the preservation or abolition of concepts like yin-yang, the five elements, and qi, the abolitionists gained the upper hand. This was closely related to the criticism of traditional Chinese medicine and the support for Western medicine by most scholars and intellectuals who had studied in Europe, America, and Japan. Despite efforts by traditional Chinese medicine practitioners like Yun Tieqiao and Yang Zemin to salvage the situation, the status of the *Inner Canon* as a classic of Chinese medicine was severely threatened. Due to the limited knowledge of modern science among traditional Chinese medicine practitioners at the time and the fact that only a very small number of them were exposed to and mastered dialectical materialism, their defense of Chinese medicine often seemed inadequate in the face of attacks from critics who had received Western scientific education abroad. In the debate, theories such as yin-yang, the five elements, and qi were almost entirely negated. Yin-yang and the five elements became synonymous with superstition, metaphysics, and feudal dregs, leaving them almost no place to stand. The traditional Chinese medicine community was, to some extent, forced to accept this reality. One manifestation of the declining confidence in the foundational theories of Chinese medicine was the community's turn to venerate the *Treatise on Cold Damage*, leading to an increase in the number of people studying it in modern times. The essence of this shift was to focus on efficacy, hoping to use therapeutic results to justify the continued development of Chinese medicine. Another manifestation was the emergence of the "scientification of Chinese medicine" trend, which aimed to introduce modern scientific research methods to reorganize Chinese medicine, adapting it to the drastically changed environment and ensuring that Chinese medicine would not lose the opportunity for improvement and development in the modern era. Additionally, the criticism of Chinese medicine provided public support for the government and anti-Chinese medicine factions to discriminate against, suppress, and even abolish Chinese medicine, making the status of Chinese medicine increasingly precarious in modern times.
3. Abolitionist Rhetoric and Actions
Faced with the reality of a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society lagging behind and being beaten, and unable to achieve "self-strengthening," progressive Chinese turned their hopes for national salvation to the path of learning from the West. Particularly, Japan, which had originally been in a similar position of backwardness and humiliation by Western powers, had rapidly risen to prominence in modern times by comprehensively learning from the West in politics, economy, culture, and all other systems since the Meiji Restoration, surpassing China in many areas. "Defeated by Japan in the First Sino-Japanese War and humiliated by the Eight-Nation Alliance in the Boxer Rebellion," the stark contrast between the modernization processes of China and Japan shocked the Chinese people, leading to a nationwide wave of learning from Japan. Zhou Zuoren once remarked, "We went to study in Japan because it had successfully modernized and quickly learned Western civilization... Some believed that Japan's only strength was its ability to absorb foreign culture, and studying there was to steal this technique so we could replicate it." ([12], p. 206) This wave of imitation soon fell into a certain degree of blind following. The number of Chinese students in Japan was only 13 in 1896, but by 1906, it had surged to over 17,860.As a result, three-quarters of China's modern warlords graduated from Japanese military academies, and many of China's modern scholars and literati also studied in Japan. The medical field was no exception. Among China's early Western medicine doctors, apart from those who graduated from domestic missionary medical schools, almost all were overseas returnees, with a significant majority having studied in Japan. These individuals, during the Beiyang Government and Nanjing National Government periods, greatly influenced China's health administration. From the late 19th to the early 20th century, following Japan's Meiji Restoration, Japan fully absorbed modern Western culture, and its national power grew rapidly. Traditional Chinese medicine in Japan was also abolished. By 1906, after more than 30 years, the goal of abolishing traditional Chinese medicine was largely achieved, and modern medicine developed rapidly in Japan. Therefore, during his medical studies, Lu Xun learned that "Japan's modernization was largely initiated by Western medicine."
Many students who studied in Europe, America, and Japan were deeply influenced by the ideology of saving the nation through science, using Western science to judge traditional Chinese medicine, which led to a series of misconceptions about Chinese medicine. Additionally, many Chinese students who studied in Japan witnessed the abolition of traditional Chinese medicine in Japan, further deepening this influence and developing into the idea of abolishing Chinese medicine and promoting Western medicine in China. They blamed the backwardness of China's medical and health conditions on traditional Chinese medicine, viewing the existence of Chinese medicine as a cultural root of China's backwardness. At that time, many in society formed a consensus that China could follow Japan's example of complete Westernization to escape its impoverished and weak state. Hu Shi, in his article "The Conflict of Cultures," stated: "Japan's example gives us some hope for the future of Chinese civilization. Japan unreservedly accepted Western civilization, resulting in the success of Japan's regeneration. Due to its eagerness to learn and its determination to imitate, Japan has become one of the strongest countries in the world, equipped with a modern government and a modern culture... Therefore, let us hope that China may also achieve cultural revival as Japan did. Let us now begin to do what Japan started fifty or sixty years ago. We must not be influenced by the protective views of conservative thinkers, nor should we waver due to fear of losing our national characteristics. Let us establish our technological and industrial civilization as the minimum foundation for our new national life." In the field of medicine, only by learning from Japan's policy towards traditional Chinese medicine and abolishing Chinese medicine could modern medicine develop in China and rid the country of the derogatory label "Sick Man of East Asia." For example, in 1914, Wang Daxie, the Minister of Education of the Beiyang Government, said when meeting representatives of the Beijing Chinese Medicine Society applying for society registration: "I am determined to abolish Chinese medicine and stop using Chinese herbs. The so-called registration cannot be approved." He also said, "Japan has been modernizing for decades, and its medical development is far superior to ours. Yet, traditional Chinese medicine is still used in rural Japan. It may be difficult to completely abolish Chinese medicine in China at once. Moreover, the number of Western medicine practitioners in China is insufficient for the entire country." Wang had served as the supervisor of Chinese students in Japan during the Qing government in 1902, later as the Left Councilor of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and as the Minister to the UK in 1905. In 1910, he was appointed as the Minister to Japan, and in 1913, he served as the Minister of Education in the Xiong Xiling cabinet, later holding various positions in the Beiyang Government, including Minister of Transportation, Minister of Foreign Affairs, President of the Administrative Court, and Premier of the State Council. His policy towards Chinese medicine was identical to the Meiji government's policy of abolishing traditional Chinese medicine.
Another example is Chu Minyi, a senior official of the Nationalist Government who had studied in Japan, and his attitude towards Chinese medicine. Chu Minyi once said: "In the past, our country did have medicine, but the so-called doctors often mixed in obscure theories and the concepts of yin and yang, and the medicine relied entirely on herbs."...Now, the medical practices of all nations have become scientific, yet our society clings to outdated customs, holding onto remnants and refusing to let go. Many in society still revere traditional medicine and belittle modern medicine. This is a mistaken notion, a stale way of thinking that must be loudly denounced to awaken the deaf and enlighten the blind. It is essential to understand the immutable law of evolution: the superior prevails, and the inferior fails. The scientification of medicine has become an unchangeable rule in the 20th century." [20] Chu, who studied in Japan and France, held various positions including member of the Kuomintang Central Executive Committee, member of the Educational Administration Committee, executive and supervisory member of the Shanghai Medical Association, Secretary-General of the Executive Yuan, and standing committee member of the National Education Promotion Association. He later served as the "Premier of the Executive Yuan" and "Governor of Guangdong Province" under the Wang Jingwei regime. He consistently discriminated against and opposed traditional Chinese medicine and played a significant role in shaping the Kuomintang government's policies on Chinese medicine.
In 1933, the Nanjing Nationalist Government drafted the "Traditional Chinese Medicine Regulations (Draft)." During the discussions, Wang Jingwei vehemently opposed it, arguing that "traditional Chinese medicine speaks of yin-yang and the five elements without emphasizing anatomy, lacking any scientific basis. As for traditional Chinese medicine, it lacks analysis, and its efficacy in treating diseases is uncertain." He advocated that "all practitioners of traditional Chinese medicine should be barred from practicing, and all traditional Chinese medicine shops should be ordered to close." [21] When the draft was sent to the Legislative Yuan for review, Wang wrote to Sun Ke, then President of the Legislative Yuan, stating: "Regarding the so-called 'Traditional Chinese Medicine Regulations,' I believe this matter not only concerns the lives of our people but also our international reputation. Granting administrative authority in this regard may not be in China's best interest. I have repeatedly expressed this concern at the Central Political Council meetings. Now that the draft has been sent to the Legislative Yuan, I earnestly hope you can find a way to remedy this situation." ([21], p. 195) Wang, who had studied at Hosei University in Japan, harbored a hostile and oppositional attitude toward traditional Chinese medicine, undoubtedly influenced by Japan's policies on Kampo medicine and Western science.
The leading figure in the medical community advocating for the "abolition of traditional Chinese medicine" was Yu Yan. As early as 1914, while studying in Japan, Yu wrote "The Critique of Ling Shu and Su Wen," which was completed and published in 1916, marking the beginning of the modern movement to abolish traditional Chinese medicine. He later published numerous articles, including "On the Six Climatic Factors" and "The Destruction and Construction of Medical Revolution in Our Country," fervently advocating for a "medical revolution" and viewing traditional Chinese medicine as an obstacle to the development of medical and health services in China. He believed that "the essence of the medical revolution lies in preserving the true and eliminating the false. The theories of yin-yang and the five elements are false; pulse diagnosis at the wrist is a false method; the twelve meridians and the five viscera and six bowels are false knowledge. The reason we vehemently advocate for a medical revolution is to eradicate these falsehoods." [22] The core of his so-called "medical revolution" was the abolition of traditional Chinese medicine or the preservation of its medicinal aspects while discarding its theoretical foundations. He asserted, "As long as traditional medicine persists, the people's mindset will not change, modern medicine will not progress, and public health administration will not advance." His classmate from Japan, Wang Qizhang, was an even more fervent advocate for the abolition of traditional Chinese medicine, authoring "Twenty Years of Medical Reflections," in which he proposed "using political means, following Japan's approach to banning Kampo medicine, to completely eradicate traditional Chinese medicine." In 1928, during the National Education Conference convened by the Nationalist Government, he proposed the abolition of traditional Chinese medicine. In 1929, he submitted a petition to the Ministry of Health, slandering the anti-abolition movement within the traditional Chinese medicine community as a "Boxer-like patriotic movement." [23]
In February 1929, the Nanjing government held its first Health Committee meeting, chaired by Liu Ruheng, then Vice Minister of Health, who had studied in the United States. The meeting passed a proposal by Yu Yan and others titled "Abolishing Traditional Medicine to Remove Obstacles in Medical and Health Affairs." The proposal included six measures, such as re-examining and retraining traditional Chinese medicine practitioners, banning the promotion of traditional Chinese medicine, and prohibiting the establishment of traditional Chinese medicine schools, all of which were copied from Japan, bringing the campaign to suppress and eliminate traditional Chinese medicine to its peak. ([19], pp. 150-151) The specific details of the attendees are shown in Table 1.
From the table, it is evident that among the 17 representatives present, almost all were Western medicine practitioners who had studied in Europe, America, or Japan, with the majority being proponents of abolishing traditional Chinese medicine. Not a single representative of traditional Chinese medicine was present. Under such circumstances, it is not difficult to imagine how the proposal to abolish traditional Chinese medicine was swiftly passed.During the late Qing and early Republican periods, many of the overseas returnees advocated learning from the West, aiming to transplant advanced practices from other countries to China, with the original intention of saving the nation through science. However, the policy to abolish traditional Chinese medicine completely disregarded the many differences between the medical communities of China and Japan, ignored China's national and social conditions, and blindly copied the methods implemented by Japan decades ago, effectively falling into the quagmire of national nihilism. Although the number of people with overseas study backgrounds was extremely low in proportion to the total population at that time, their influence in society was significant, especially to some extent influencing the authorities. When combined with graduates from missionary schools and Chinese-run Western-style schools, these individuals educated in Western science had an even greater overall impact, almost influencing the process of China's modernization. Therefore, it can be said that their attitudes and actions towards traditional Chinese medicine had an undeniable impact on the development of Chinese medicine in modern times. It should be noted that their criticism and advocacy for the abolition of traditional Chinese medicine played a leading role in the movement to abolish Chinese medicine in modern Chinese society. Although the actions to criticize and abolish traditional Chinese medicine did not ultimately achieve the goal of eradicating it due to resistance from the Chinese medical community, they did push the Beiyang government and the Kuomintang government to adopt various discriminatory and restrictive policies and measures against traditional Chinese medicine, severely damaging the nation's medical heritage and making the development of Chinese medicine in modern China extremely difficult.
Further Reading:
Liu Lixiang Shi Zhanjiang: Discussing Academic Independence from the Death of Hua Tuo (January 2004)
Liu Lixiang: On the New Manifestations of Traditionalism in the Contemporary Development of Chinese Medicine
Liu Lixiang: On the Impact of the Historical Lack of Scientific Spirit on Chinese Medicine (October 2002)
Liu Lixiang: Changes in the Social Status of Ancient Chinese Doctors and Their Impact on Medical Development
Source: http://www.med8th.com/humed/3/20041215slqmmclxyd_3.htm
Impact of Late Qing and Early Republican Study Abroad Movements on Traditional Chinese Medicine Development
Since the 1870s, due to the need for "foreign affairs," the Qing government began to send students abroad in batches for study; by the early 20th century, more were dispatched due to the implementation of "new policies." At the same time, a large number of intellectuals, in search of the truth to save the country and its people, vied to study abroad, thus forming a wave of overseas study enthusiasm in the late Qing and early Republic of China.
A large number of students who returned after completing their studies, in order to save the nation from peril, mostly advocated learning from the West to make China prosperous and strong. In cultural and academic fields, they used the knowledge they acquired abroad to oppose feudalism and fiercely criticized China's inherent culture, vigorously promoting science and democracy. As part of traditional culture, Chinese medicine was inevitably subjected to unprecedented criticism, and its dominant position in Chinese medicine was also impacted, gradually being replaced by Western medicine. What attitudes did these returning students take towards traditional Chinese medicine, and what methods did they use to evaluate it? What actions did they take? This article attempts to explore the impact of their attitudes and actions on the development of Chinese medicine by examining the attitudes and statements of some figures with overseas study backgrounds at the time, hoping to provide some inspiration and lessons for today.
2. Criticism of Chinese Medicine
In dealing with the issue of Chinese medicine, influenced by Western scientific culture, most of those who studied in Europe, America, and Japan during the late Qing and early Republic of China adopted a Western-based evaluation method to criticize Chinese medical theory. For example, Yan Fu, a famous modern Chinese enlightenment thinker, was sent by the Qing government to study in the UK in his early years and received a lot of education in Western natural sciences. He highly praised Western science, believing that "once the general principles are established, they can be tested anytime and anywhere. For example, water freezes at four degrees on the heat scale, and air exerts a pressure of ten pounds per square inch on a plane, which everyone can personally test. Although some things are slightly more difficult, such as the kidneys not storing essence but filtering blood to produce urine, the lungs not governing the skin, and the liver not storing the soul, they can still be verified. Therefore, this kind of science has no assertions, only truths, and everyone can use their own eyes to verify its truthfulness." [1] As for China's original scholarship, he believed that "the nine schools of thought in China, such as geomancy, medicine, and astrology, if followed in order, all seem coherent. However, if one delves into their initial foundations, such as the matching of the five elements and the heavenly stems and earthly branches, or the auspicious and inauspicious stars, even with great thought, one cannot explain why they are so. This is because their principles are based on conjecture rather than empirical measurement." [2]
Chen Duxiu, who studied in Japan, as a leader of the May Fourth New Culture Movement, vigorously called for democracy and science and denounced autocracy and ignorance. While lashing out at Chinese feudal culture, he included Chinese medicine in the feudal dross for criticism. He judged Chinese medicine entirely based on Western medicine at the time, stating in his article "A Warning to the Youth": "(Chinese) medicine does not understand science, neither understanding the structure of the human body nor analyzing the properties of drugs, and knows nothing about bacterial and viral infections; it only knows to attach to the theory of the five elements, the mutual generation and restraint, cold and heat, yin and yang, and follows ancient prescriptions to administer medicine, its technique is almost the same as that of an archer; the most magical of its imaginations is the theory of 'qi'; this theory is even connected to the techniques of martial artists and Taoist priests; try to search the universe, and you really do not know what this 'qi' is!" [3]
Lu Xun systematically studied Western medical knowledge at Sendai Medical College in Japan. After studying Western medical courses such as "New Treatise on the Whole Body" and "Chemical Hygiene," he unconsciously recalled the statements and prescriptions of some Chinese medicine doctors who treated his father, "the medicinal ingredients used were also peculiar: winter reed roots, sugarcane that has been frosted for three years, crickets must be in pairs, and the fruiting plant of the flatland tree,... most of which are not easy to obtain," and compared with what he was learning and knew at the time, "he gradually realized that Chinese medicine is nothing but a deliberate or unintentional fraud."[4]
This method of comparing Chinese science and technology with Western science, and Chinese medicine with Western medicine, was almost a formula among returning overseas students at the time. Some even regarded it as the golden standard for judging the "legitimacy and validity" of an academic discipline. For instance, Mao Zishui, who studied at the University of Berlin in Germany, believed that "medicine based on anatomy, histology, physiology, pathology, bacteriology, and analytical chemistry is the proper path of medicine. Although European medical techniques today cannot be said to have reached their ultimate conclusion, if there is indeed a final destination for medical science, it must be reached by following this proper path. If one insists on superstitiously adhering to the principles of the five organs corresponding to the five elements and relying on the distinctions of the cun, guan, and chi pulses, it is likely that even ten thousand years would not suffice to reach the ultimate conclusion of medical science." [5] Whether Chinese medicine is scientific or even necessary for existence has been a recurring topic of debate in modern Chinese intellectual history. If one must use the criteria of bacteriology and other Western disciplines as the basis for judgment, as Mao did, the "cun, guan, and chi pulses" would indeed struggle to be recognized as "scientific" even in ten thousand years.
After the classification of modern Western disciplines and their "forms and methods" became the standard for evaluating whether something is "scientific," all existing Chinese academic disciplines faced the challenge of obtaining scientific "qualification." Chinese medicine was no exception. As Hu Shi once remarked, "Over the past thirty years, one term has achieved an almost supreme and revered status in our country; whether people understand it or not, whether they are conservative or progressive, no one dares to openly express disdain or ridicule toward it. That term is 'science.'" Science in modern China reached a point of "almost universal reverence" ([3], p. 430). Anything that did not conform to "science" was subject to criticism and rejection.
Chinese and Western medicine are two entirely distinct healthcare systems, making it difficult to apply the same standards to both. It is akin to judging a basketball game using soccer rules. If one insists on evaluating Chinese medicine solely by the standards of Western medicine, then Chinese medicine will inevitably appear "unscientific" in every aspect. At the time, most students studying abroad were influenced by Western metaphysical materialism, with few exposed to or mastering dialectical materialism. Consequently, they failed to recognize the incommensurability in comparing Chinese and Western medicine. As a result, a significant portion of them adopted a critical and oppositional stance toward Chinese medicine due to its perceived "unscientific" nature. Guo Moruo, who graduated from Kyushu Imperial University in Japan, openly opposed Chinese medical theory, stating, "I harbor extreme hatred and opposition toward all the yin-yang and five elements theories of traditional medicine, which resemble the ramblings of shamans and sorcerers." [6] Lu Xun remarked, "Although some say Chinese medicine is infinitely profound, especially in internal medicine, I simply do not believe it." [7] Zhou Zuoren, who also studied in Japan, went so far as to claim that "the thousands of Chinese doctors in China are not doctors in the modern sense at all; they are entirely metaphysical practitioners. Whether it is the Zhuyouke of Chenzhou, the spiritualists of the Lingzi technique, or the National Spirit Cultivation Institute, these are the practices of shamans from primitive societies, relics of an earlier era. Even the most orthodox theories of Chinese medicine are metaphysical. If they are truly unique, even if absurd and bizarre, they might still be worthy of being labeled as 'national techniques' and branded with the character 'national'!" [8]
From opposing and distrusting Chinese medicine, a significant number of returning overseas scholars even refused to consult Chinese doctors when they fell ill. For example, Ding Wenjiang, a modern geologist who studied in Japan and later in the United Kingdom, was deeply influenced by the Anglo-American empiricist tradition and Mach's empirio-criticism. He revered the spirit and methods of science and "believed in modern medicine." He was described as "the most Westernized Chinese" and "the most scientifically oriented Chinese." Even when seriously ill, he refused to seek treatment from Chinese doctors. Once, while traveling in Guizhou, both he and his attendants fell ill."There were no Western doctors locally, and Ding Wenjiang absolutely did not believe in traditional Chinese medicine, so he refused to consult a Chinese doctor under any circumstances. He sent a telegram to Guiyang to request a Western doctor, insisting that he would only take medicine after the doctor arrived. Before the doctor could arrive, one of his companions had already died of illness. People advised Ding to try Chinese medicine first, but he steadfastly refused to break his principle... He never consulted a Chinese doctor in his lifetime, just as he never accepted a government salary or used free train tickets for personal travel, demonstrating the same resolute attitude." [9] As for those who adamantly refused to consult Chinese doctors, Ding Wenjiang was not alone among the Western-educated returnees deeply influenced by Western science. Guo Moruo once said, "Traditional Chinese medicine and I have no connection. I dare say I will never trouble a Chinese doctor until the day I die." ([6], p. 480) Fu Sinian also remarked, "I would rather die than consult a Chinese doctor, because I feel that doing so would betray the education I have received." [10] (Fu had studied in the UK on a government scholarship and later transferred to the University of Berlin in Germany.) Sun Yat-sen, who received a systematic Western-style education in Honolulu, Guangzhou, and Hong Kong, graduated from the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese in 1892. Sun revered Western medicine throughout his life and remained skeptical of traditional Chinese medicine. Even when diagnosed with liver cancer in his later years and told by Peking Union Medical College Hospital that nothing more could be done, he still refused to take Chinese medicine. Lu Xun greatly admired this, writing in his article "One Year After the Death of Dr. Sun Yat-sen": "At that time, a minor news item moved me as much as his lifelong revolutionary career. It was reported that when Western medicine had reached its limits, someone suggested trying Chinese medicine. But Dr. Sun disagreed, believing that while Chinese medicine might have some effective remedies, its diagnostic knowledge was lacking. Without proper diagnosis, how could one prescribe medicine? It was unnecessary. When facing death, most people are willing to try anything, yet he maintained such clear rationality and firm will regarding his own life." ([7], pp. 953-954) Even Yan Fu, who was born into a family of traditional Chinese medicine practitioners, viewed Chinese medicine with trepidation. He once wrote to his niece, "Listening to Chinese doctors leads to mistakes nine times out of ten. Remember this well." [11]
Liu Wendian, who also studied in Japan, went so far as to mock the efficacy of traditional Chinese medicine. He said, "You are gravely mistaken in attacking China's mediocre doctors. In today's China, traditional Chinese medicine is absolutely indispensable. Look at how many remnants of the old society and other non-essential people are still alive in China. As long as they live, they are a daily threat to the country. However, murder is inhumane, and it is impossible to kill them all. Fortunately, they all believe in traditional Chinese medicine, so their only hope for survival lies in the hands of these doctors. How can you attack them?" [12]
Of course, among the early Chinese students who returned from abroad, there were also those who could correctly evaluate traditional Chinese culture, properly treat the legacy of Chinese medicine, and contribute to its development, such as Ding Fubao, Zhao Juhuang, and Yan Derun. However, the majority of returnees vehemently criticized traditional culture and adopted a nihilistic attitude toward Chinese medicine, fiercely condemning it. At the time, they viewed issues with an absolute and formalistic perspective, believing that everything about Chinese culture was bad, while everything about Western culture was good. In their approach to Chinese medicine, they completely judged it based on the standards of Western medical knowledge at the time, using the modern medical, natural science, and philosophical knowledge they had acquired to evaluate Chinese medical theories. If the theories aligned with their knowledge, they accepted them; if not, they dismissed them as false. This approach was simplistic, arbitrary, and lacked rigorous argumentation. In the medical field, this was most evident in the debates between Chinese and Western medicine at the time. For example, Yu Yan, a Western-trained doctor who had studied in Japan, criticized the Five Elements theory, saying, "The Five Elements refer to the five basic substances... Today, with the advancement of chemistry, we know there are eighty basic elements. Thus, it has become the Eighty Elements, and we can no longer adhere to the old concept of the Five Elements."Yu Shi interpreted the Five Elements as five "original substances (i.e., elements)" and compared them to the "four elements (water, earth, fire, air)" in the history of Western medicine, reflecting a philosophical view of mechanical materialism. For example, in the "Inner Canon," there are records such as "the liver's qi connects to the eyes, and when the liver is harmonious, the eyes can distinguish the five colors" and "the liver receives blood and thus can see." Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) believes that there is a close relationship between the liver and the eyes. Clinically, pathological states of the liver can manifest as eye symptoms, and certain eye diseases are often treated by addressing the liver, achieving quite satisfactory results. However, Yu Yan argued: "The relationship between the liver and the eyes cannot be found in anatomy, nor is there any relevant physiological function. In pathology and medical chemistry, no interdependent points can be found... The claim that the liver governs the eyes is baseless fabrication and cannot be trusted." ([13], p. 8) It should be said that Yu had a considerable understanding of both Chinese and Western medicine. He noticed the intuitive, vague concepts and lack of microscopic research in TCM theory, but he underestimated the incommensurability between Chinese and Western medicine and lacked a detailed analysis of the different levels of TCM theory. Thus, the conclusions he drew using such simple and arbitrary methods were inevitably biased.
However, TCM, which has been practiced for thousands of years and contributed to the health and reproduction of the Chinese nation, does indeed have remarkable therapeutic effects. Even many of those who criticized TCM at the time had to admit this, though they attributed the efficacy entirely to Chinese herbal medicine while maintaining an opposing stance toward TCM theory. This became the main rationale for the later "abolish medicine, preserve herbs" faction. For instance, Guo Moruo once said, "I oppose TCM theory, but I do not oppose the study of Chinese herbal medicine" ([6], p. 490), and "I have never opposed the study of Chinese herbal medicine; in fact, I believe it has a very bright future" ([6], p. 492). Even Yu Yan, one of the most vehement critics of TCM, believed that "to preserve national essence, there is still a glimmer of hope in herbal prescriptions" [14].
During the debate between Chinese and Western medicine in the medical community, many scholars and intellectuals with overseas educational backgrounds, even those not directly involved in the debate, supported Western medicine both in their hearts and in public opinion. As Zhou Zuoren stated: "I am completely an outsider to medicine, having no ties to Western medicine nor any grudge against TCM. I do not wish to side with one against the other. However, from my perspective, I highly value Western medicine and sincerely hope for its development and victory." ([8], p. 91) After Fu Sinian published two fiercely critical articles on TCM, Hu Shi, then editor of *The Independent Review*, not only published Fu's "Revisiting the So-Called National Medicine" but also reprinted his earlier article "The So-Called National Medicine" from *Ta Kung Pao*, adding an editor's note: "Two weeks ago, Mr. Fu Sinian published an article titled 'The So-Called National Medicine' in *Ta Kung Pao*, which provoked widespread criticism from 'national medicine' practitioners and their defenders across the country. The weekly essays in *Ta Kung Pao* are published once every ten weeks, but Mr. Fu could not wait and thus published his 'Revisiting the So-Called National Medicine' in *The Independent Review*. To help readers understand the origin of this debate, we are reprinting the original article here. Regarding this issue of new versus old medicine, I also have some opinions, and after Mr. Fu has finished speaking, I plan to write an article. We welcome discussion on this topic, but we must clarify: articles like Mr. Chen Zedong's from the Tianjin TCM Association, which discuss the 'philosophical pinnacle' of the Five Elements, Six Qi, Yin-Yang, and odd-even numbers, will not be published." [15]
Lu Xun, in many of his works, fiercely criticized TCM. On one hand, this was related to his exposure to Western science and medicine during his studies in Japan; on the other hand, it was also connected to the death of his father.In Lu Xun's view, his father was likely killed by a quack doctor. In his essay "Father's Illness," he expressed a critical attitude towards traditional Chinese medicine: to treat his father's illness, the Zhou family sold off all their farmland, then their jewelry and clothes, and finally invited a so-called "famous doctor" (Chen Lianhe, also known as He Lianchen). However, the prescriptions of this "famous doctor" were truly bizarre. "The most common one was 'a pair of crickets,' with a small note beside it: 'They must be the original pair, meaning they must come from the same nest.' It seemed as if even insects needed to be chaste; remarriage or remarrying would disqualify them from being used as medicine." [16] His father's belly swelled like a drum, but the "famous doctor" had his own method: a special pill called "Defeated Drum Skin Pill." "This 'Defeated Drum Skin Pill' was made from the skin of a broken drum; since edema is also called drum swelling, using the skin of a broken drum would naturally subdue it" ([16], p. 107). Using drum skin as medicine, fighting poison with poison. His father eventually died under the torment of this "famous doctor."
In the modern debate between Chinese and Western medicine, especially regarding the preservation or abolition of concepts like yin-yang, the five elements, and qi, the abolitionists gained the upper hand. This was closely related to the criticism of traditional Chinese medicine and the support for Western medicine by most scholars and intellectuals who had studied in Europe, America, and Japan. Despite efforts by traditional Chinese medicine practitioners like Yun Tieqiao and Yang Zemin to salvage the situation, the status of the *Inner Canon* as a classic of Chinese medicine was severely threatened. Due to the limited knowledge of modern science among traditional Chinese medicine practitioners at the time and the fact that only a very small number of them were exposed to and mastered dialectical materialism, their defense of Chinese medicine often seemed inadequate in the face of attacks from critics who had received Western scientific education abroad. In the debate, theories such as yin-yang, the five elements, and qi were almost entirely negated. Yin-yang and the five elements became synonymous with superstition, metaphysics, and feudal dregs, leaving them almost no place to stand. The traditional Chinese medicine community was, to some extent, forced to accept this reality. One manifestation of the declining confidence in the foundational theories of Chinese medicine was the community's turn to venerate the *Treatise on Cold Damage*, leading to an increase in the number of people studying it in modern times. The essence of this shift was to focus on efficacy, hoping to use therapeutic results to justify the continued development of Chinese medicine. Another manifestation was the emergence of the "scientification of Chinese medicine" trend, which aimed to introduce modern scientific research methods to reorganize Chinese medicine, adapting it to the drastically changed environment and ensuring that Chinese medicine would not lose the opportunity for improvement and development in the modern era. Additionally, the criticism of Chinese medicine provided public support for the government and anti-Chinese medicine factions to discriminate against, suppress, and even abolish Chinese medicine, making the status of Chinese medicine increasingly precarious in modern times.
3. Abolitionist Rhetoric and Actions
Faced with the reality of a semi-colonial, semi-feudal society lagging behind and being beaten, and unable to achieve "self-strengthening," progressive Chinese turned their hopes for national salvation to the path of learning from the West. Particularly, Japan, which had originally been in a similar position of backwardness and humiliation by Western powers, had rapidly risen to prominence in modern times by comprehensively learning from the West in politics, economy, culture, and all other systems since the Meiji Restoration, surpassing China in many areas. "Defeated by Japan in the First Sino-Japanese War and humiliated by the Eight-Nation Alliance in the Boxer Rebellion," the stark contrast between the modernization processes of China and Japan shocked the Chinese people, leading to a nationwide wave of learning from Japan. Zhou Zuoren once remarked, "We went to study in Japan because it had successfully modernized and quickly learned Western civilization... Some believed that Japan's only strength was its ability to absorb foreign culture, and studying there was to steal this technique so we could replicate it." ([12], p. 206) This wave of imitation soon fell into a certain degree of blind following. The number of Chinese students in Japan was only 13 in 1896, but by 1906, it had surged to over 17,860.As a result, three-quarters of China's modern warlords graduated from Japanese military academies, and many of China's modern scholars and literati also studied in Japan. The medical field was no exception. Among China's early Western medicine doctors, apart from those who graduated from domestic missionary medical schools, almost all were overseas returnees, with a significant majority having studied in Japan. These individuals, during the Beiyang Government and Nanjing National Government periods, greatly influenced China's health administration. From the late 19th to the early 20th century, following Japan's Meiji Restoration, Japan fully absorbed modern Western culture, and its national power grew rapidly. Traditional Chinese medicine in Japan was also abolished. By 1906, after more than 30 years, the goal of abolishing traditional Chinese medicine was largely achieved, and modern medicine developed rapidly in Japan. Therefore, during his medical studies, Lu Xun learned that "Japan's modernization was largely initiated by Western medicine."
Many students who studied in Europe, America, and Japan were deeply influenced by the ideology of saving the nation through science, using Western science to judge traditional Chinese medicine, which led to a series of misconceptions about Chinese medicine. Additionally, many Chinese students who studied in Japan witnessed the abolition of traditional Chinese medicine in Japan, further deepening this influence and developing into the idea of abolishing Chinese medicine and promoting Western medicine in China. They blamed the backwardness of China's medical and health conditions on traditional Chinese medicine, viewing the existence of Chinese medicine as a cultural root of China's backwardness. At that time, many in society formed a consensus that China could follow Japan's example of complete Westernization to escape its impoverished and weak state. Hu Shi, in his article "The Conflict of Cultures," stated: "Japan's example gives us some hope for the future of Chinese civilization. Japan unreservedly accepted Western civilization, resulting in the success of Japan's regeneration. Due to its eagerness to learn and its determination to imitate, Japan has become one of the strongest countries in the world, equipped with a modern government and a modern culture... Therefore, let us hope that China may also achieve cultural revival as Japan did. Let us now begin to do what Japan started fifty or sixty years ago. We must not be influenced by the protective views of conservative thinkers, nor should we waver due to fear of losing our national characteristics. Let us establish our technological and industrial civilization as the minimum foundation for our new national life." In the field of medicine, only by learning from Japan's policy towards traditional Chinese medicine and abolishing Chinese medicine could modern medicine develop in China and rid the country of the derogatory label "Sick Man of East Asia." For example, in 1914, Wang Daxie, the Minister of Education of the Beiyang Government, said when meeting representatives of the Beijing Chinese Medicine Society applying for society registration: "I am determined to abolish Chinese medicine and stop using Chinese herbs. The so-called registration cannot be approved." He also said, "Japan has been modernizing for decades, and its medical development is far superior to ours. Yet, traditional Chinese medicine is still used in rural Japan. It may be difficult to completely abolish Chinese medicine in China at once. Moreover, the number of Western medicine practitioners in China is insufficient for the entire country." Wang had served as the supervisor of Chinese students in Japan during the Qing government in 1902, later as the Left Councilor of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and as the Minister to the UK in 1905. In 1910, he was appointed as the Minister to Japan, and in 1913, he served as the Minister of Education in the Xiong Xiling cabinet, later holding various positions in the Beiyang Government, including Minister of Transportation, Minister of Foreign Affairs, President of the Administrative Court, and Premier of the State Council. His policy towards Chinese medicine was identical to the Meiji government's policy of abolishing traditional Chinese medicine.
Another example is Chu Minyi, a senior official of the Nationalist Government who had studied in Japan, and his attitude towards Chinese medicine. Chu Minyi once said: "In the past, our country did have medicine, but the so-called doctors often mixed in obscure theories and the concepts of yin and yang, and the medicine relied entirely on herbs."...Now, the medical practices of all nations have become scientific, yet our society clings to outdated customs, holding onto remnants and refusing to let go. Many in society still revere traditional medicine and belittle modern medicine. This is a mistaken notion, a stale way of thinking that must be loudly denounced to awaken the deaf and enlighten the blind. It is essential to understand the immutable law of evolution: the superior prevails, and the inferior fails. The scientification of medicine has become an unchangeable rule in the 20th century." [20] Chu, who studied in Japan and France, held various positions including member of the Kuomintang Central Executive Committee, member of the Educational Administration Committee, executive and supervisory member of the Shanghai Medical Association, Secretary-General of the Executive Yuan, and standing committee member of the National Education Promotion Association. He later served as the "Premier of the Executive Yuan" and "Governor of Guangdong Province" under the Wang Jingwei regime. He consistently discriminated against and opposed traditional Chinese medicine and played a significant role in shaping the Kuomintang government's policies on Chinese medicine.
In 1933, the Nanjing Nationalist Government drafted the "Traditional Chinese Medicine Regulations (Draft)." During the discussions, Wang Jingwei vehemently opposed it, arguing that "traditional Chinese medicine speaks of yin-yang and the five elements without emphasizing anatomy, lacking any scientific basis. As for traditional Chinese medicine, it lacks analysis, and its efficacy in treating diseases is uncertain." He advocated that "all practitioners of traditional Chinese medicine should be barred from practicing, and all traditional Chinese medicine shops should be ordered to close." [21] When the draft was sent to the Legislative Yuan for review, Wang wrote to Sun Ke, then President of the Legislative Yuan, stating: "Regarding the so-called 'Traditional Chinese Medicine Regulations,' I believe this matter not only concerns the lives of our people but also our international reputation. Granting administrative authority in this regard may not be in China's best interest. I have repeatedly expressed this concern at the Central Political Council meetings. Now that the draft has been sent to the Legislative Yuan, I earnestly hope you can find a way to remedy this situation." ([21], p. 195) Wang, who had studied at Hosei University in Japan, harbored a hostile and oppositional attitude toward traditional Chinese medicine, undoubtedly influenced by Japan's policies on Kampo medicine and Western science.
The leading figure in the medical community advocating for the "abolition of traditional Chinese medicine" was Yu Yan. As early as 1914, while studying in Japan, Yu wrote "The Critique of Ling Shu and Su Wen," which was completed and published in 1916, marking the beginning of the modern movement to abolish traditional Chinese medicine. He later published numerous articles, including "On the Six Climatic Factors" and "The Destruction and Construction of Medical Revolution in Our Country," fervently advocating for a "medical revolution" and viewing traditional Chinese medicine as an obstacle to the development of medical and health services in China. He believed that "the essence of the medical revolution lies in preserving the true and eliminating the false. The theories of yin-yang and the five elements are false; pulse diagnosis at the wrist is a false method; the twelve meridians and the five viscera and six bowels are false knowledge. The reason we vehemently advocate for a medical revolution is to eradicate these falsehoods." [22] The core of his so-called "medical revolution" was the abolition of traditional Chinese medicine or the preservation of its medicinal aspects while discarding its theoretical foundations. He asserted, "As long as traditional medicine persists, the people's mindset will not change, modern medicine will not progress, and public health administration will not advance." His classmate from Japan, Wang Qizhang, was an even more fervent advocate for the abolition of traditional Chinese medicine, authoring "Twenty Years of Medical Reflections," in which he proposed "using political means, following Japan's approach to banning Kampo medicine, to completely eradicate traditional Chinese medicine." In 1928, during the National Education Conference convened by the Nationalist Government, he proposed the abolition of traditional Chinese medicine. In 1929, he submitted a petition to the Ministry of Health, slandering the anti-abolition movement within the traditional Chinese medicine community as a "Boxer-like patriotic movement." [23]
In February 1929, the Nanjing government held its first Health Committee meeting, chaired by Liu Ruheng, then Vice Minister of Health, who had studied in the United States. The meeting passed a proposal by Yu Yan and others titled "Abolishing Traditional Medicine to Remove Obstacles in Medical and Health Affairs." The proposal included six measures, such as re-examining and retraining traditional Chinese medicine practitioners, banning the promotion of traditional Chinese medicine, and prohibiting the establishment of traditional Chinese medicine schools, all of which were copied from Japan, bringing the campaign to suppress and eliminate traditional Chinese medicine to its peak. ([19], pp. 150-151) The specific details of the attendees are shown in Table 1.
From the table, it is evident that among the 17 representatives present, almost all were Western medicine practitioners who had studied in Europe, America, or Japan, with the majority being proponents of abolishing traditional Chinese medicine. Not a single representative of traditional Chinese medicine was present. Under such circumstances, it is not difficult to imagine how the proposal to abolish traditional Chinese medicine was swiftly passed.During the late Qing and early Republican periods, many of the overseas returnees advocated learning from the West, aiming to transplant advanced practices from other countries to China, with the original intention of saving the nation through science. However, the policy to abolish traditional Chinese medicine completely disregarded the many differences between the medical communities of China and Japan, ignored China's national and social conditions, and blindly copied the methods implemented by Japan decades ago, effectively falling into the quagmire of national nihilism. Although the number of people with overseas study backgrounds was extremely low in proportion to the total population at that time, their influence in society was significant, especially to some extent influencing the authorities. When combined with graduates from missionary schools and Chinese-run Western-style schools, these individuals educated in Western science had an even greater overall impact, almost influencing the process of China's modernization. Therefore, it can be said that their attitudes and actions towards traditional Chinese medicine had an undeniable impact on the development of Chinese medicine in modern times. It should be noted that their criticism and advocacy for the abolition of traditional Chinese medicine played a leading role in the movement to abolish Chinese medicine in modern Chinese society. Although the actions to criticize and abolish traditional Chinese medicine did not ultimately achieve the goal of eradicating it due to resistance from the Chinese medical community, they did push the Beiyang government and the Kuomintang government to adopt various discriminatory and restrictive policies and measures against traditional Chinese medicine, severely damaging the nation's medical heritage and making the development of Chinese medicine in modern China extremely difficult.
Further Reading:
Liu Lixiang Shi Zhanjiang: Discussing Academic Independence from the Death of Hua Tuo (January 2004)
Liu Lixiang: On the New Manifestations of Traditionalism in the Contemporary Development of Chinese Medicine
Liu Lixiang: On the Impact of the Historical Lack of Scientific Spirit on Chinese Medicine (October 2002)
Liu Lixiang: Changes in the Social Status of Ancient Chinese Doctors and Their Impact on Medical Development
Source: http://www.med8th.com/humed/3/20041215slqmmclxyd_3.htm